Lexical categories, lack of inflection, and predicate-fronting in Niuean

* 1. Introduction One persistent goal of linguistics is to find correlations between various grammatical characteristics of a language. In this paper I will propose a connection between the isolating morphology (and lack of copular verbs) in Niuean, a Polynesian language of the Tongic subgroup, and the predicate initial nature of the language. It is a very salient property of Niuean that the language has no inflectional morphology. There is no phi-agreement in the language, and there is no tense inflection on the verb or auxiliaries. 1 One possibility is that this is just a morpho-phonological accident. In this view, Niuean is a language with lots of phonetically zero-morphology, but it still has all the phi and tense featural material that has been tied to verb movement and subject externalization within Minimalist theory (eg. Chomsky 2000). If this is the case, Niuean could develop overt inflection and nothing else about the language would change. Another possibility is that this is not the case, and that the lack of inflection in Niuean is crucial to its current syntax. In this view, if agreement were to emerge in the language, other aspects of its syntax would have to change fairly radically at the same time. In this paper I will explore this latter view, arguing that the lack of inflection in Niuean is related to the fact that * I would like to thank ** (to be written after review process is completed) 1 Seiter 1980 describes a form of reduplicative agreement for number in Niuean, but Abdolhosseini et al 2002 show that this indicates plural aspect and is not agreement.

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