Early, Mandatory, Pragmatic Processing

The experiment reported in this paper used a delayed same/different sentence matching task with concurrent measurement of eye movements to investigate three questions: whether pragmatic plausibility effects are restricted to certain phrasal environments; how rapidly such effects are shown in on-line sentence processing; and whether they are a product of optional, high-level, inferential processes. The results clearly show that plausibility effects are not restricted to low–level phrasal units and that they appear to arise as a necessary consequence of the process responsible for deriving basic sentence meaning. The rapid and highly localized nature of the effects supports a view of sentence processing involving incremental interpretation of the earliest available syntactic representations. We argue that the apparently mandatory nature of plausibility effects, coupled with their insensitivity to repetition context, presents difficulties for both modular and interactive views of sentence processing.

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