Degree quantifiers, position of merger effects with their restrictors, and conservativity

Degree clauses are arguments of the degree quantifiers –er and as, yet the dependency is discontinuous. The surface position of the degree clause is not arbitrary, however, but marks the scope of the comparison. In earlier work (Bhatt and Pancheva 2004), we accounted for these facts by proposing that degree quantifiers are composed with their first argument – the degree clause (marked as A in (1)) – in a post-quantifier raising (QR) scope position.

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