Phonological traces of syntactic phases: PIC à la carte?

Why phonology is flat: the role of concatenation and linearity Linguistic structure is hierarchical. But how are hierarchical relations expressed? Is there just one way of implementing hierarchy, or are there different formal expressions that are not just notational variants? Trees (or equivalent graphic representations such as brackets) are the regular and intuitive way of expressing hierarchical relations: they are the default in all areas, i.e. syntax, morphology, phonology, semantics etc. The phonological literature knows a different means of encoding hierarchical relations, though: lateral relations (government and licensing). These are the genuine contribution of Government Phonology to the field. Lateral relations are representationally and formally distinct from trees: although they establish a hierarchical relation between two items of which one is the head of the construction (as do trees), the items engaged are not necessarily adjacent, and they are not grouped into higher units in any way. Also, importantly, two items that contract a lateral relation cannot be as a whole engaged in another lateral relation: lateral relations are not recursive. This is the description of lateral relations in strict CV (Lowenstamm 1996). It is true that they could be recursive in Standard Government Phonology where the rhyme governs its onset, but may also dominate a branching nucleus that constitutes a governing domain in its own right. Also, a governing relation typically groups items into packages in Standard GP: for example, this is the case for the head-complement relation among vocalic items, which describe a branching nucleus. Standard GP was thus hybrid: it made cohabitate both types of hierarchical structure in the same representation. Tree structure, however, was already depleted and some structure and causality was expressed by lateral relations. It was noticed early on by Takahashi (1993) that this hybridism is redundant and runs the theory into irresolvable trouble. As a consequence, either the lateralisation of structure and causality is taken all down the road, or trees prevail and lateral relations are a bad idea after all. Strict CV follows the former option: it completes the lateral programme such that there are no trees left in phonology (in the area of syllable structure or elsewhere, Scheer 2004: §165, 2012). That is, deforestation shifts the functional burden from trees to lateral relations, and does that 100%. The purpose of this talk is to show that the absence of trees from phonology and hence the existence of an alternative means of expressing hierarchical relations follow from two things: a design property of syntax, concatenation (which is absent from phonology: phonological computation does not concatenate anything), and an input condition to phonological computation, linearity (which is absent from syntax: in minimalism linearity is introduced post-syntactically). In (morpho-)syntax, trees are a consequence of concatenation, and of nothing else: this is the essence of the universal hierarchyand tree-creating mechanism Merge (even though concatenation and labelling/projection may be distinct operations). It thus follows from the fact that phonology does not concatenate anything that there cannot be any tree-building device in this module: no concatenation, no trees. An appreciable side-effect of this perspective is the explanation of a long-standing observation, i.e. the absence of recursion in phonology: no trees, no recursion. On the phonological side, I argue that linearity produces lateral relations, and by the same token makes trees unworkable. That is, concatenation and hence trees could not exist in an environment where items are arranged along a predetermined linear order. In the absence of the arboreal option, phonology thus needs to find an alternative means of expressing hierarchical relations, one compatible with linearity. Lateral relations serve this purpose: they are a creature of linearity (and hence unworkable in morpho-syntax). The perspective described is based on two real-world properties that any implementation of human language (the one we know or other logically possible systems) is confronted to and will

[1]  G. Hempl Old-English Phonology , 2007 .

[2]  Ray Jackendo,et al.  Languages of the Mind , 1992 .

[3]  M. Oostendorp Affixation and integrity of syllable structure in Dutch , 1994 .

[4]  E. Cyran A Lateral Theory of Phonology, by Tobias Scheer , 2006 .

[5]  D. Steriade Greek accent: a case for preserving structure. , 1988 .

[6]  L. Mugglestone Lexical Phonology and the History of English , 2002 .

[7]  D. Steriade Greek prosodies and the nature of syllabification , 1982 .

[8]  David Odden,et al.  INTERACTION BETWEEN MODULES IN LEXICAL PHONOLOGY , 1993 .

[9]  Jennifer L. Smith Lexical Category and Phonological Contrast , 2001 .

[10]  Bridget Samuels,et al.  The Structure of Phonological Theory , 2009 .

[11]  Tobias Scheer,et al.  A Theory of Consonantal Interaction , 1998 .

[12]  M. Gordon Syllable Weight: Phonetics, Phonology, Typology , 2006 .

[13]  Samuel David Epstein,et al.  A Derivational Approach to Syntactic Relations , 1998 .

[14]  Joel Rotenberg,et al.  The syntax of phonology , 1978 .

[15]  Noam Chomsky Derivation by phase , 1999 .

[16]  Sharon Inkelas The theoretical status of morphologically conditioned phonology: a case study of dominance effects , 1998 .

[17]  T. Scheer,et al.  La coda-miroir , 2001 .

[18]  Sanford A. Schane The fundamentals of particle phonology , 1984, Phonology Yearbook.

[19]  G. Pullum,et al.  The Principle of Phonology-Free Syntax: Introductory Remarks , 1986 .

[20]  K Szendroi,et al.  A stress-based approach to the syntax of Hungarian focus , 2003 .

[21]  Tobias Scheer Representational and procedural sandhi killers: diagnostics, distribution, behaviour , 2010 .

[22]  Sanford A. Schane,et al.  French phonology and morphology , 1969 .

[23]  M. Two Spurious Counterexamples To the Principle of Phonology-Free Syntax # , 2012 .

[24]  Geoffrey K. Pullum,et al.  The Principle of Phonology-Free Syntax: four apparent counterexamples in French , 1997, Journal of Linguistics.

[25]  Tobias Scheer Intermodular Argumentation and the Word-Spell-Out-Mystery , 2008 .

[26]  John Harris,et al.  Segmental complexity and phonological government , 1990, Phonology.

[27]  Rolf Noyer,et al.  Movement Operations after Syntax , 2001, Linguistic Inquiry.

[28]  Zeljko Boskovic,et al.  Agree, phases, and intervention effects , 2003 .

[29]  Ellen M. Kaisse The Syntax of Auxiliary Reduction in English , 1983 .

[30]  L. Cosmides,et al.  Cognitive adaptations for social exchange. , 1992 .

[31]  F. Kortlandt On the history of Slavic accentuation , 1978 .

[32]  A. Prince,et al.  On stress and linguistic rhythm , 1977 .

[33]  Larry M. Hyman,et al.  EMERGENT TEMPLATES: THE UNUSUAL CASE OF TIENE , 1997 .

[34]  H. Truckenbrodt,et al.  Some notes on phonological phrasing in Brazilian Portuguese , 2003 .

[35]  R. Kager A Metrical Theory of Stress and Destressing in English and Dutch , 1989 .

[36]  Elisabeth Selkirk,et al.  Phonology and Syntax: The Relation between Sound and Structure , 1984 .

[37]  R. Stainton Contemporary debates in cognitive science , 2006 .

[38]  T. A. Hall The Distribution of Superheavy Syllables in Modern English , 2001 .

[39]  R. Jackendoff Consciousness and the Computational Mind , 1987 .

[40]  Alan Prince,et al.  Improving Tree Theory , 1985 .

[41]  Roger Lass,et al.  Boundaries as obstruents: Old English voicing assimilation and universal strength hierarchies , 1971, Journal of Linguistics.

[42]  Bruce Hayes,et al.  THE PROSODIC HIERARCHY IN METER , 1989 .

[43]  I. Watson,et al.  In the Beginning Was the Word , 2009 .

[44]  Richard S. Kayne The Antisymmetry of Syntax , 1994 .

[45]  M. Halle On accent, stress and quantity in West Slavic , 2001 .

[46]  M. Joos A Phonological Dilemma in Canadian English , 1942 .

[47]  Kie Zuraw The Role of Phonetic Knowledge in Phonological Patterning: Corpus and Survey Evidence from Tagalog Infixation , 2007 .

[48]  Elisabeth Selkirk,et al.  CONTRASTIVE FOCUS, GIVENNESS AND THE UNMARKED STATUS OF "DISCOURSE-NEW"* , 2008 .

[49]  Kleanthes K. Grohmann,et al.  Prolific Domains: On the Anti-Locality of movement dependencies , 2003 .

[50]  D. Pesetsky Russian morphology and lexical theory , 1979 .

[51]  Tobias Scheer,et al.  Unified representations for the syllable and stress , 2002 .

[52]  H. Gardner The mind's new science: a history of the cognitive revolution , 1985 .

[53]  P. Smolensky,et al.  Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar , 2004 .

[54]  Marcel den Dikken,et al.  Phase Extension Contours of a theory of the role of head movement in phrasal extraction , 2007 .

[55]  Mark Richard Lauersdorf,et al.  Introduction to the Phonological History of the Slavic Languages , 1991 .

[56]  Tobias Scheer,et al.  Intermodular argumentation: Morpheme‐specific phonologies are out of business in a phase‐based architecture , 2010 .

[57]  T. Scheer Le corpus heuristique : un outil qui montre mais ne démontre pas , 2004 .

[58]  Laura J. Downing,et al.  Canonical Forms in Prosodic Morphology , 2006 .

[59]  Sharon Hargus,et al.  MODELING THE PHONOLOGY–MORPHOLOGY INTERFACE , 1993 .

[60]  Johnathan David Bobaljik Paradigms (Optimal and Otherwise): A case for scepticism , 2006 .

[61]  Juan Uriagereka Multiple spell-out , 2005 .

[62]  G. Segal Theories of theories of mind: The modularity of theory of mind , 1996 .

[63]  Noam Chomsky,et al.  Minimalist inquiries : the framework , 1998 .

[64]  J. Melvold Structure and stress in the phonology of Russian , 1989 .

[65]  Morris Halle,et al.  Histoire de l'accentuation slave , 1981 .

[67]  Alec Marantz,et al.  No escape from syntax: Don't try morphological analysis in the privacy of your own lexicon , 1997 .

[68]  Jolanta Szpyra,et al.  Ghost Segments in Nonlinear Phonology: Polish Yers , 1992 .

[69]  Patrick Honeybone Process inhibition in historical phonology , 2003 .

[70]  George N. Clements,et al.  Representational economy in constraint-based phonology , 2001 .

[71]  Alan C. L. Yu,et al.  A Natural History Of Infixation , 2007 .

[72]  Mary Paster,et al.  Phonological Conditions on Affixation , 2006 .

[73]  Tobias Scheer,et al.  A Guide to Morphosyntax-Phonology Interface Theories: How Extra-Phonological Information is Treated in Phonology since Trubetzkoy’s Grenzsignale , 2010 .

[74]  William J. Poser,et al.  The metrical foot in Diyari , 1989, Phonology.

[75]  Anthi Revithiadou,et al.  Prosodic filters on syntax: an interface account of second position clitics , 2006 .

[76]  T. Mohanan,et al.  Lexical phonology of the consonant system in Malayalam , 1984 .

[77]  P. Kiparsky From cyclic phonology to lexical phonology , 1982 .

[78]  Roland Hinterholzl The Phase Condition and Cyclic Spell-out: Evidence from VP-topicalization , 2006 .

[79]  Kriszta Szendröi,et al.  A stress-based approach to climbing , 2004 .

[80]  Donca Steriade,et al.  Glides and Vowels in Romanian , 1984 .

[81]  John J. McCarthy,et al.  Formal Problems in Semitic Phonology and Morphology , 2018 .

[82]  Rochelle Lieber,et al.  ON THE SIMULTANEITY OF MORPHOLOGICAL AND PROSODIC STRUCTURE , 1993 .

[83]  Nikolaj Sergejevič Trubeckoj Grundzüge der Phonologie , 1989 .

[84]  K. P. Mohanan,et al.  The Theory of Lexical Phonology , 1982 .

[85]  C. Féry The Syllable in Optimality Theory: Onsets and Nonmoraic Syllables in German , 2003 .

[86]  Donna Marie Farina Palatalization and jers in modern Russian phonology: An underspecification approach , 1991 .

[87]  Voicing Assimilation in Polish , 1984 .

[88]  P. Kiparsky Opacity and cyclicity , 2000 .

[89]  Noam Chomsky Three Factors in Language Design , 2005, Linguistic Inquiry.

[90]  E. Selkirk The French Foot: On the Status of Mute e , 1978 .

[91]  Tobias Scheer Why the Prosodic Hierarchy is a diacritic and why the Interface must be Direct , 2008 .

[92]  Noam Chomsky,et al.  The Sound Pattern of English , 1968 .

[93]  Robert Miller,et al.  Learning and Individual Differences , 2010 .

[94]  Marc Richards Dynamic Linearization and the Shape of Phases , 2007 .

[95]  Edmund Gussmann,et al.  Studies in abstract phonology , 1980 .

[96]  Noam Chomsky,et al.  वाक्यविन्यास का सैद्धान्तिक पक्ष = Aspects of the theory of syntax , 1965 .

[97]  A. Caink On the nature of the syntax-phonology interface : cliticization and related phenomena ( North-Holland Linguistic Series : Linguistic Variations , 2003 .

[98]  M. Gordon Syllable Weight , 2002 .

[99]  B. Samuels The Third Factor in Phonology , 2009, Biolinguistics.

[100]  T. A. Hall Syllable structure and syllable-related processes in German , 1992 .

[101]  Tobias Scheer,et al.  The Coda Mirror, stress and positional parameters , 2008 .

[102]  Tobias Scheer,et al.  What lenition and fortition tells us about Gallo-Romance Muta cum Liquida , 2005 .

[103]  Ray Jackendoff,et al.  The Architecture of the Language Faculty , 1996 .

[104]  N. Kula,et al.  The phonology–morphology interface , 2022 .

[105]  G. Clements Papers in Laboratory Phonology: The role of the sonority cycle in core syllabification , 1990 .

[106]  Kriszta Szendroei,et al.  Focus and the syntax-phonology interface , 2001 .

[107]  Tobias Scheer Direct Interface and One-Channel Translation , 2012 .

[108]  Paul Smolensky,et al.  Connectionist AI, symbolic AI, and the brain , 1987, Artificial Intelligence Review.

[109]  J. Stemberger,et al.  Optimality Theory , 2003 .

[110]  M. Halle,et al.  An essay on stress , 1987 .

[111]  Z. Harris,et al.  Foundations of Language , 1940 .

[112]  H. Giegerich Lexical strata in English , 1999 .

[113]  Joaquim Brandão de Carvalho Templatic morphology in the Portuguese verb. , 2002 .

[114]  Tatjana Marvin,et al.  Topics in the stress and syntax of words , 2002 .

[115]  Jerzy Rubach,et al.  The Lexical Phonology of Slovak , 1993 .

[116]  Peter Norquest,et al.  Noun Faithfulness and Accent in Fukuoka Japanese , 2002 .

[117]  Elisabeth Selkirk,et al.  The Interaction of Constraints on Prosodic Phrasing , 2000 .

[118]  Tobias Scheer,et al.  Positional factors in Lenition and Fortition , 2008 .

[119]  Tobias Scheer,et al.  Chunk definition in phonology: prosodic constituency vs. phase structure , 2011 .