The Mamassani of Iran: At the Juncture of Two Modes of Subsistence

Resume J'ai observe durant ces vingt dernieres annees les Mamassani face a l'adaptation a la vie urbaine. Ayant quitte leur terre natale pour vivre dans differentes villes d'Iran ou de l'etranger, ils exercent desormais diverses professions. Tandis que certains pratiquent de tres bons metiers, d'autres ont sombre dans le trafic de drogue. Il est incontestable que l'education a joue un role fondamental pour ceux dont le changement de mode d'existence s'est etale sur deux ou trois generations. Ayant grande confiance en leur intelligence, habitues a des conditions de vie difficile, tiers de leur origine et socialement unis, ils font courageusement face au 21 eme siecle. Une etude de quelques chansons lyriques montre leurs angoisses et leur desespoir pendant cette periode difficile, alors meme qu'apparaissent dans cette musique des elements de continuite mais aussi de changement: il nous aident a comprendre comment les Mamassani ont pu passer en un demi-siecle d'un mode de vie nomade et pastoral a une existence urbaine et sedentaire. Introduction: The Junction of Two Modes of Subsistence Anthropologists can engage in research on human culture anywhere human beings live or have lived. Making paradigms helps create boundaries for research. Subsistence of various kinds is one of the ways of limiting a unit of research. This does not mean that should the people of one subsistence group move to another, they should not be studied. This very movement and the period of adaptation are very rich ground for cultural studies. This in itself can become the focus of attention. In this study, the period of adaptation from pastoral nomadism of one group, the Mamassani of southwestern Iran, to urban life is my focus. The place is the cities of Shiraz and Tehran, but it could include many other cities, wherever they have settled. The Mamassani are reported to live as far as the northeastern city of Mashhad. Many of them have moved from city to city and carry with them the experience of previous contacts. More importantly, they have passed through a period of sedentarisation in rural areas also. For most this has happened over two generations. The generation of their parents had a rural life, engaging in agriculture and herding, and they have come to urban areas. There are of course those who moved directly from nomadism to urban life. This is class dependent, as we shall see later. According to historical statistics on Iran, at the turn of the twentieth century one third of the population was engaged in pastoral nomadism. At this time their population was less than three million and the population of Iran was less than ten million. The pastures of Iran could not sustain a larger population, so there has been continual sedentarisation all throughout this century--besides all the politico-military rationale for it. Other examination of historical material shows clear attempts at sedentarisation. Mohammad Taqi Khan from the Bakhtiari Tribe intentionally sedentarised some of his tribesmen in two areas, in south and in central Iran, and it was the central government which opposed this measure in the 1830s (Garthwaite 1983: 125). At other junctures we have had the opposite movement, such as becoming transhumant after leading a sedentary life. We saw this for example during the Mongol period, when the inhabitants of one area took up a nomadic life (Nazari 1957). Anthropological research among pastoral nomads of various areas of Iran shows their seasonal or annual contact with rural and urban areas, for trade or exchange. At times, the relationship has been very friendly, leading to marriage with sedentary populations, at others it has been equitable and at yet others it has been one of hostile taxation, ravage, conquest or raiding. What I shall discuss in this article is the daily struggle of individuals and families who, during the past twenty years or less, have tried to adapt to urban life. …