...-less in Wonderland? - Revisiting Any
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Ladusaw (1979), Carlson (1980), and Linebarger (1987) have all argued that negative-polarity any is an existential quantifier that surfaces in certain environments, notably in the scope of negation. Similarly, Kadmon & Landman (1993) interpret it as an indefinite with existential force. On these analyses (1b) is the correct LF. I will refer to these diverse accounts collectively as the ∃-account. They are opposed to the earlier ∀-account proposed by Quine (1960) and Lasnik (1972), which takes the underlying semantics of (1a) to be (1c). An attractive feature of the ∀-account, and one very much on the minds of its early proponents, is that it may allow the negative-polarity item any (NPI any) to be accommodated to so-called “free-choice any” (FC any). FC any is uncontroversially some sort of universal quantifier, with a distribution as fussy as that of NPI any . If the two are really the same lexeme acting in the same way, then (2a) and (2b) are parallel sentences: any serves in each as a wide-scope universal. (3) is similar.
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[2] Ljiljana Progovac,et al. Negative polarity: Entailment and binding , 1993 .
[3] Howard Lasnik,et al. Analyses of negation in English. , 1972 .
[4] Marcia C. Linebarger,et al. Negative polarity and grammatical representation , 1987 .
[5] William A. Ladusaw. Polarity sensitivity as inherent scope relations , 1980 .