Personality Disorders and Missing Persons Deriving the Person-Case Constraint without Case

The Person-Case Constraint (PCC) is a ban on co-occurrence of different case and person feature combinations of phonologically weak elements such as clitics, agreement affixes and weak pronouns, which is observed in many languages. In recent literature it has received a number of syntactic treatments in terms of feature-checking. This paper presents a previously unattested PCC pattern from Slovenian, where the freedom in the linear order of clitics gives rise to both standard Weak and Strong PCC patterns as well as “inverse” PCC patterns in which the restrictions on the accusative (DO) and dative (IO) clitic are reverse from the one in the standard PCC patterns. It is shown that the PCC is unrelated to Case assignment, contrary to what most current syntactic accounts assume. To deal with this and a new approach to the PCC is proposed, which based on valuation of person features on clitic and weak pronouns through Agree with a functional head. It as also shown that this approach extends rather straightforwardly to PCC patterns in other languages.

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