On-line comprehension of VP-ellipsis: Syntactic reconstruction and semantic influence

We describe two experiments that explored the on-line processing of coordinated (e.g.,The policeman defended himself and the fireman did [e] too, according to someone who was there) and subordinated VP-ellipsis (e.g.,The policeman defended himself because the fireman did [e], according to someone who was there). Such constructions have two possible interpretations: The “sloppy” reading is thatthe fireman defended himself, wherehimself corefers withthe fireman. The “strict” reading is thatthe fireman defended him, wherehim corefers withthe policeman. In our experiments we examined the strict reading, and found different time courses of processing the coordinated and subordinated structures. In coordination we found immediate reaccess of the nonlocal subject at the gap. In subordinated structures we found the reaccess effect only downstream from the gap. We interpret these patterns as reflecting the automatic nature of gap filling in coordinated ellipsis, but in subordinated ellipsis a causal relation must be computed between the two clauses, “drawing out” reaccess of the filler.