Looking through opacity

Abstract 1. Introduction Comparative Markedness deals with alternations which are problematic for classical Optimality Theory such as counterfeeding opacity. In Sea Dayak, for example, the distribution of nasal and oral vowels is generally predictable: after a nasal consonant, a vowel is typically nasal and after an oral consonant, the vowel is oral. However, an oral vowel also occurs after a nasal consonant just in case the consonant is optionally followed by an oral stop, as in [rambo?] ∼ [ramo?] ‘a kind of flowering plant’. The orality of the postnasal vowel in such cases is thus opaque (Scott 1957, 1964). Representative forms are shown in (1).