Following Jager (2001a), we propose to extend the Lambek calculus with two additional implications, where the rst one models anaphora and the second one indeniteness. Both pronouns and indenites are interpreted as (possibly partial) identity functions, but they give rise to dierent types and are thus subject to dierent interpretation strategies. The de- scriptive content of indenites is interpreted as a domain restriction on the corresponding function. The resulting grammar of indenites treats the scopal behavior of these NPs in an empirically adequate way. Fur- thermore it leads to a straightforward surface compositional analysis of Sluicing. The assumed division of labor between syntax and semantics in Sluicing is in accordance with the facts; Sluicing is correctly predicted to be insensitive to syntactic islands, but sensitive to morphological fea- tures of the antecedent.
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