The Policy Function of the German Social Democratic Party

The dramatic resignation of West German Chancellor Willy Brandt and the accession to power of Helmut Schmidt in May 1974 focused international attention on the politics of the Federal Republic. Would the sudden switch in the chancellorship from the leader of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) to his deputy leader produce a major reversal of policy, or merely a subtle change in the style of governance? While the latter alternative seemed the more realistic, the crisis pinpointed the policy linkage between party and government. This article investigates the ways in which the SPD has performed its policy function in the twenty-seven years of the Federal Republic's existence. The focus will be first on the party's decision-making process as it relates to public policy, and then on the party's linkage to government and stages of power development as viewed through three time segments: 1949-66, when it was the dominant opposition party and attempted to influence government policy; 1966-69, when it was the junior coalition party and shared in policy making; and 1969 to 1976, when it became the senior coalition party and played a leading role in policy making. In this survey, we question, as do Anthony King and Howard Scarrow in a more general context, the significance of the SPD impact on government policy initiation, innovation, and outcome.' King's proposition that the "policies of the authoritative decision-makers, although acquiesced in or even enforced by the party or coalition, might not have emanated from party sources and indeed might run counter to the declared aims of the party or parties in government'' is tested.2 If the SPD has not been a major factor in generating policy, then we must also pose the question, previously asked by Leon Epstein and Hans Daalder: Does policy output reflect instead the product of interest groups, the