Agents and Causes in Malagasy and Tagalog

In the discussion of theta-roles and the linking of arguments to phrase structure, the question has arisen as to whether all 'external' arguments are treated the same by the syntax. The particular question that I want to explore is whether AGENTs and CAUSEs are realized the same way in phrase structure. Using a particular case of morpheme deletion in Tagalog as a probe, I will be claiming that CAUSEs are realized in a position that is asymmetrically c-commanded by the AGENT position.1 Since this conclusion is based a particular view of the structure and analysis of Tagalog and Malagasy, I will begin the paper by summarizing the details necessary for the remainder of the arguments. The main line of argument is that Tagalog has a morpheme pag(realized as the head v) that introduces AGENTs (see Section 2.1) and that this morpheme deletes when its Specificer position is overt at Spell-out (see Section 2.2). Tagalog also has a morpheme complex realized as makathat introduces CAUSEs (non-volitional external arguments) (see Section 3.1). I argue that the kaof this complex is in Asp(ect) which is realized below vP and encodes telicity (see Section 3.2). Further I argue that it is this kathat introduces the CAUSE theta-role (see Section 3.3). Since kadeletes when the CAUSE remains in its base position at Spell-Out, we have confirmation that the CAUSE is realized in the Spec, Asp position, a position lower than Spec, vP (see Section 3.4). In the conclusion (Section 4), I suggest that the results of this research can be used to explain an odd morphological pattern in cognition verbs in Tagalog as well as an unexpected generalization in nominal formation in Malagasy.