Charles Kupchan is a distinguished academic (professor of international relations at Georgetown University), a respected researcher (senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations), and author of many publications and has bridged the gap between academe and government (through service on the National Security Council during the first Clinton administration). He is also a clear-eyed Eur-optimist, more hopeful about the prospects of the European Union (EU) than most Europeans. The title of this provocative book tells it all. The author believes we are at the end of the American era. In the immediate past, he contends, the United States as the only superpower dominated the global scene. But this “unipolar moment” could not last, which is probably a good thing. Particularly under the Bush administration, argues this veteran of the preceding administration, American policy has become unilateral, relying too heavily on military force, disregarding international institutions, seeking to be free of the salutary restraints imposed by international law and diplomacy. The United States consequently has alienated world opinion and provoked resistance to its policies. But even discounting the unilateral proclivities of the Bush administration, for Kupchan undue concentration of power in one country (echoing a central theme of The Federalist Papers) is unhealthy. A diffusion of power is as necessary on the global level as it is within the political system of any nation. The ascending power in the world today, he contends, is the European Union. In the future, East Asia will also ascend and will have to be dealt with in its turn. America’s task is to welcome the EU, with which it shares basic values, as an equal partner. Together the United States and the EU should reinforce rule-based international cooperation through international law, the United Nations, and financial and trade institutions in order to facilitate the integration of East Asian and developing countries into a peaceful global system. Who could object? What could possibly be wrong with this picture? At least four points upon which the argument rests call for a closer look.
[1]
F. Hoveyda.
A Note on Why Militant Islamic Fundamentalists Believe the United States Is a Paper Tiger
,
2003
.
[2]
R. Freedman.
The Bush Administration and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A Preliminary Evaluation
,
2003
.
[3]
W. Hopkinson.
The United States and Europe in the Twenty-First Century: Reasons Why They Should Work Together, Reasons Why They May Not
,
2003
.
[4]
P. Marr.
Where Is Iraq Headed?
,
2003
.
[5]
Report on the Meeting Held on March 19, 2003 National Committee on American Foreign Policy (NCAFP) Dwight D. Eisenhower National Security Series (ENSS): Conference on Cultural Underpinnings of Security in the Middle East
,
2003
.
[6]
David B. H. Denoon.
Competing Views on Taiwan's Foreign Investments
,
2003
.
[7]
B. Glaser.
Sino-American Relations: A Work in Progress*
,
2003
.
[8]
A. Taheri.
France's "Arab" Policy: Time for a Debate
,
2003
.
[9]
V. Drath.
The Cyprus Conundrum
,
2003
.
[10]
D. S. Rice.
A Trip to NATO at the Height of "Operation Iraqi Freedom"
,
2003
.
[11]
Michael Rwykin.
An Odd Entity: The Case of the Kaliningrad Enclave
,
2003
.
[12]
Zhang Zuqian.
The Whole Picture Can Be Made from the Pieces
,
2003
.
[13]
Jiemian Yang.
The Taiwan Factor in Sino-U.S. Relations: Same Issue, Different Approaches
,
2003
.
[14]
Nancy E. Soderberg.
Meeting the Challenges of Islamic Fundamentalism
,
2003
.
[15]
G. Gruen.
Turkey's "Political Earthquake": Significance for the United States and the Region
,
2003
.
[16]
Julian Lindley‐French.
Common Interests and National Interests: Bridging the Values/Interests Gap
,
2003
.
[17]
S. Hsu.
China's Domestic Politics and U.S.-Taiwan-China Relations: An Assessment in the Aftermath of the CCP's 16th National Congress
,
2003
.