The development of sentence-interpretation strategies in monolingual German-learning children with and without specific language impairment

Previous research on sentence comprehension conducted with German-learning children has concentrated on the role of case marking and word order in typically developing children. This paper compares, the performance of German-learning children with language impairment (age 4-6 years) and without language impairment (aged 2-6, 8-9 years) in two experiments that systematically vary the cues animacy, case marking; word-order, and subject-verb agreement. The two experiments differ with regard to the choice of case marking: in the first it is distinct but in the second it is neutralized. The theoretical framework is the competition model developed by Bates and Mac Whinney and their collaborators, a variant of the parallel distributed processing models. It is hypothesized that children of either population first appreciate the cue animacy that can be processed locally, that is, "on the spot," before they turn to more distributed cues leading ultimately up to subject-verb agreement, which presupposes the comparison of various constituents before an interpretation can be established. Thus agreement is more "costly" in processing than animacy or the (more) local cue initial NP. In experiment I with unambiguous case markers it is shown that the typically developing children proceed from animacy to the nominative (predominantly in coalition with the initial NP) to agreement, while in the second experiment with ambiguous case markers these children turn from animacy to the initial NP and then to agreement. The impaired children also progress from local to distributed cues. Yet, in contrast to the control group, they do not acknowledge the nominative in coalition with the initial NP in the first experiment but only in support of agreement. However, although they do not seem to appreciate distinct case markers to any large extent in the first experiment, they are irritated if such distinctions are lacking: in experiment II all impaired children turn to. animacy (some in coalition with the initial NP and/or particular word orders). In the discussion, the relationship between short-term memory and processing as well as the relationship between production and comprehension of case markers and agreement are addressed. Further research is needed to explore in more detail "cue costs" in sentence comprehension.

[1]  Brian MacWhinney,et al.  THE ACQUISITION OF CASE MARKING BY ADULT LEARNERS OF RUSSIAN AND GERMAN , 1998, Studies in Second Language Acquisition.

[2]  J. Aitchinson The crosslinguistic study of sentence processing , 1993, Journal of Child Language.

[3]  M. Harris,et al.  Comprehension of reversible sentences in specifically language-impaired children. , 1990, The Journal of speech and hearing disorders.

[4]  Brian MacWhinney,et al.  Processing of Morphological and Semantic Cues in Russian and German. , 1999 .

[5]  R S Chapman,et al.  Comprehension strategies in two and three year olds: animate agents or probable events? , 1978, Journal of speech and hearing research.

[6]  Katrin Lindner Finiteness and children with specific language impairment: an exploratory study , 2002 .

[7]  Heather K. J. van der Lely,et al.  Canonical linking rules: forward versus reverse linking in normally developing and specifically language-impaired children , 1994, Cognition.

[8]  Cornelia Hamann,et al.  German Impaired Grammar: The Clause Structure Revisited , 1998 .

[9]  A. Baddeley,et al.  Phonological memory deficits in language disordered children: Is there a causal connection? ☆ , 1990 .

[10]  R. Weist The word order myth , 1983, Journal of Child Language.

[11]  B. Fazio The counting abilities of children with specific language impairment: a comparison of oral and gestural tasks. , 1994, Journal of speech and hearing research.

[12]  Elizabeth Bates,et al.  Thedevelopmentofsentence Comprehension In Italian And Serbocroatian: Local Versus Distributed Cues , 1998 .

[13]  B. MacWhinney,et al.  Cue validity and sentence interpretation in English, German, and Italian , 1984 .

[14]  B. MacWhinney,et al.  Functionalism and the competition model , 1989 .

[15]  A. Baddeley,et al.  Short-term memory may yet be deficient in children with language impairments: a comment on van der Lely & Howard (1993) , 1995, Journal of speech and hearing research.

[16]  H. Grimm,et al.  Is the syntax development of dysphasic children deviant and why? New findings to an old question. , 1990, Journal of speech and hearing research.

[17]  Peter Jordens,et al.  Finiteness in early child Dutch , 2002 .

[18]  Janet L. McDonald,et al.  The Development of Sentence Comprehension Strategies in English and Dutch. , 1986 .

[19]  Robin S. Chapman,et al.  Word Order in Early Two and Three Word Utterances: Does Production Precede Comprehension? , 1975 .

[20]  Julia L. Evans,et al.  Sentence processing strategies in children with expressive and expressive-receptive specific language impairments. , 1999, International journal of language & communication disorders.

[21]  A. Charvillat,et al.  Local and topological processing in sentence comprehension by French and Spanish children , 1988, Journal of Child Language.

[22]  Annette Karmiloff-Smith,et al.  Language and cognitive processes from a developmental perspective , 1985 .

[23]  Robin S. Chapman Processes in Language Acquisition and Disorders , 1992 .

[24]  Daryl Pregibon,et al.  Tree-based models , 1992 .

[25]  J. Johnston,et al.  Syntactic bootstrapping in children with specific language impairment. , 1997, European journal of disorders of communication : the journal of the College of Speech and Language Therapists, London.

[26]  A. Friederici,et al.  Comprehension in aphasia: A cross-linguistic study , 1987, Brain and Language.

[27]  D. Slobin The Origins of Grammatical Encoding of Events , 1982 .

[28]  B. MacWhinney,et al.  Developmental differences in visual and auditory processing of complex sentences. , 2000, Child development.

[29]  D Howard,et al.  Children with specific language impairment: linguistic impairment or short-term memory deficit? , 1993, Journal of speech and hearing research.

[30]  D. Bishop,et al.  The underlying nature of specific language impairment. , 1992, Journal of child psychology and psychiatry, and allied disciplines.

[31]  Harald Clahsen,et al.  Child language and developmental dysphasia , 1991 .

[32]  Dorothy V. M. Bishop,et al.  Uncommon Understanding: Development and Disorders of Language Comprehension in Children , 1997 .

[33]  D. Bishop Comprehension of spoken, written and signed sentences in childhood language disorders. , 1982, Journal of child psychology and psychiatry, and allied disciplines.

[34]  J. Johnston,et al.  Grammatical morphology in language–impaired children acquiring English or German as their first language: A functional perspective , 1992, Applied Psycholinguistics.

[35]  M. Tomasello Do young children have adult syntactic competence? , 2000, Cognition.

[36]  D. Howard,et al.  Specific Language Impairment in Children Is Not Due to a Short-Term Memory Deficit: Response to Gathercole & Baddeley , 1995 .

[37]  Development of sentence interpretation strategies by typically developing and late-talking toddlers. , 2001, Journal of child language.

[38]  K. Nelson,et al.  The young child's development of sentence comprehension: influence of event probability, nonverbal context, syntactic form, and strategies. , 1974, Child development.

[39]  Dan I. Slobin,et al.  A cross-linguistic study of the processing of causative sentences , 1979, Cognition.

[40]  B MacWhinney,et al.  A cross-linguistic study of the development of sentence interpretation strategies. , 1984, Child development.

[41]  D. Bishop Comprehension in Developmental Language Disorders , 1979 .

[42]  Harald Clahsen,et al.  Child Language and Developmental Dysphasia: Linguistic studies of the acquisition of German , 1991 .

[43]  B. MacWhinney,et al.  The development of sentence interpretation in Hungarian , 1985, Cognitive Psychology.

[44]  Irving Lorge,et al.  Columbia mental maturity scale , 1954 .