When Do Nutrient Content and Nutrient Content Claims Matter? Assessing Consumer Tradeoffs Between Carbohydrates and Fat

Substantial concern about the wide variety of carbohydrate-related claims appearing on consumer packaged food products have been expressed by members of both the marketing and public policy communities. As a result, a number of petitions requesting the establishment of carbohydrate levels required for a low-carbohydrate nutrient content claim have been submitted to the Food and Drug Administration, and the agency is considering the establishment of criteria for such a claim. This research examines the potential effects of a "low-carbohydrate" claim, relative to the effects of a "low-fat" claim, across selected product fat and carbohydrate levels. The study also considers whether consumers' motivation to process nutrition information serves as a potential moderator of the effects of the nutrient content claims and nutrient levels on the dependent measures. As predicted, the results show key differences across consumer motivation levels. The policy implications of our findings are discussed. ********** The "low-carb" craze took America by storm; the number of Americans on low-carbohydrate diets rose to more than 26 million in 2004 (Kadlec 2004). In response to this demand, more than 1,500 new product entries were introduced in 2003 and 2004; the average low-carb shopper spent about $1,000 annually on low-carbohydrate foods (Kadlec 2004). In addition, books on low-carbohydrate regimens, such as Dr. Atkins Diet Revolution and the South Beach Diet, sold millions of copies. The number of Americans on low-carbohydrate diets reached 11% in 2004, but as these numbers began to sharply decline by the end of 2004, some declared the end of the low-carb phenomenon (NPD Group 2004). However, interest in low-carbohydrate foods seems to be resurging (Opinion Dynamics Corporation 2005). Thus, although the number of consumers trying to strictly adhere to a low-carbohydrate diet seems to have peaked, low-carbohydrate foods remain popular. This may be due, in part, to the fact that some low-carbohydrate foods are no longer targeted exclusively toward consumers on strict, low-carb diets but are often targeted toward a broader segment of weight-conscious consumers. According to several weight loss and eating disorder experts, many people actively trying to lose weight track their overall carbohydrate intake and have adopted some form of a reduced carbohydrate dietary approach (Hellmich 2005). More moderate approaches to low carbohydrate eating such as focusing on the food's glycemic index is also becoming increasingly popular (ACNielsen 2006). As Baker (2005) notes, the low-carbohydrate diet trend is not over but rather seems to have adapted to a more moderate approach. In sum, while the tremendous growth in the number of consumers adhering to strict, low-carb diets has peaked, there are still substantial consumer interest and marketing opportunities for products targeted toward low-carb lifestyles (ACNielsen 2005a). One consequence of the popularity of low-carbohydrate diets in recent years has been the proliferation of carbohydrate-related claims on consumer packaged goods (e.g., "carb smart," "carb conscious," "carb fit"). This has caused considerable confusion among consumers because it is difficult, if not impossible, to understand the precise meaning of these terms which, in turn, makes it difficult to determine whether a food is actually a low-carbohydrate product (Mathews and Ellison 2003). Eliminating such consumer confusion regarding nutrient content and health claims was a primary objective of the Nutrition Labeling and Education Act. Specifically, a goal of the Nutrition Labeling and Education Act was to establish an information environment on packages that would decrease consumer confusion (Pappalardo 1996; Petruccelli 1996) and help consumers maintain healthy dietary practices (Nutrition Labeling and Education Act 1990). As part of the changes implemented to accomplish these objectives, uniform definitions and required nutrient levels (that could be verified in the Nutrition Facts panel) were established for claims that describe a food's nutrient content (e. …

[1]  Nutrition labeling and public health: survey of American-Institute of Nutrition members, food industry, and consumers. , 1982, The American journal of clinical nutrition.

[2]  Manoj Hastak,et al.  Can the Educationally Disadvantaged Interpret the FDA-Mandated Nutrition Facts Panel in the Presence of an Implied Health Claim? , 1999 .

[3]  J. Cacioppo,et al.  Issue involvement can increase or decrease persuasion by enhancing message-relevant cognitive responses. , 1979 .

[4]  Scot Burton,et al.  Are Some Comparative Nutrition Claims Misleading? The Role of Nutrition Knowledge, Ad Claim Type and Disclosure Conditions , 2000 .

[5]  Manoj Hastak,et al.  Can Consumers Interpret Nutrition Information in the Presence of a Health Claim? A Laboratory Investigation , 1996 .

[6]  S. Chaiken Heuristic versus systematic information processing and the use of source versus message cues in persuasion. , 1980 .

[7]  Scot Burton,et al.  Attacking the obesity epidemic: the potential health benefits of providing nutrition information in restaurants. , 2006, American journal of public health.

[8]  Scot Burton,et al.  Effects of Nutrition Facts Panel Values, Nutrition Claims, and Health Claims on Consumer Attitudes, Perceptions of Disease-Related Risks, and Trust , 2000 .

[9]  John T. Cacioppo,et al.  The Elaboration Likelihood Model of Persuasion , 1986, Advances in Experimental Social Psychology.

[10]  J. K. Pappalardo,et al.  Evaluating the NLEA: Where's the Beef? , 1996 .

[11]  Brian E. Roe,et al.  The Impact of Health Claims on Consumer Search and Product Evaluation Outcomes: Results from FDA Experimental Data , 1999 .

[12]  Scot Burton,et al.  The Effects of Nutrition Package Claims, Nutrition Facts Panels, and Motivation to Process Nutrition Information on Consumer Product Evaluations , 1997 .

[13]  Paul J. Petruccelli Consumer and Marketing Implications of Information Provision: The Case of the Nutrition Labeling and Education Act of 1990 , 1996 .

[14]  Scot Burton,et al.  Preliminary Assessment of Changes in Labels Required by the Nutrition Labeling and Education Act of 1990 , 1993 .

[15]  Scot Burton,et al.  Making Healthful Food Choices: The Influence of Health Claims and Nutrition Information on Consumers’ Evaluations of Packaged Food Products and Restaurant Menu Items , 2003 .

[16]  Alice H. Eagly,et al.  Heuristic and systematic information processing within and beyond the persuasion context. , 1989 .

[17]  M. Teisl,et al.  The Effects of Education and Information Source on Consumer Awareness of Diet–Disease Relationships , 1999 .

[18]  Christine Moorman,et al.  A Quasi Experiment to Assess the Consumer and Informational Determinants of Nutrition Information Processing Activities: The Case of the Nutrition Labeling and Education Act , 1996 .

[19]  Chester A. Insko,et al.  Theories of attitude change , 1967 .

[20]  Franziska Marquart,et al.  Communication and persuasion : central and peripheral routes to attitude change , 1988 .

[21]  Scot Burton,et al.  Consumer Generalization of Nutrient Content Claims in Advertising , 1998 .

[22]  C. Moorman The Effects of Stimulus and Consumer Characteristics on the Utilization of Nutrition Information , 1990 .

[23]  Allan Collins,et al.  A spreading-activation theory of semantic processing , 1975 .

[24]  Scot Burton,et al.  Implications of accurate usage of nutrition facts panel information for food product evaluations and purchase intentions , 1999 .