Locality in Post-Syntactic Operations

The status of movement-like operations that (among other things) resolve the dependencies of clitics and affix es has been the topic of a voluminous literature. Here we develop a theory that correlates the locality of the post-syntactic process with the stage of the (PF-)derivation at which the operation occurs, building on the work of Marantz (1984 and subsequent work) and Bobaljik (1994, 1995). The correlations are framed in a theory of the grammar in which the syntactic derivation assembles and manipulates bundles of abstract features, which are then realized phonologically after the syntax (Late Insertion; see below). The proposal is that the locality properties of a Merger operation are determined by the stage in the derivation at which the operation takes place: specifically , Mergers which take place before Vocabulary Insertion, on hierarchical structures, differ from Merger which takes place post-Vocabulary Insertion/linearization. The paper is devoted to (1) a demonstration of different locality properties at play in post-syntactic movements; (2) the development of a model of Morphology in which the locality differences are situated in a sequential derivation; and (3) case-studies based on the model. Given this agenda, discussion falling outside of the above points will be limited in scope.

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