Exploring the richness of the stimulus

Abstract The common-sense layman's assumption would be that the structure of the languages which people grow up speaking reflects the properties of the language-samples they hear. There is no good reason to dispute that. Pullum and Scholz see their own discussion as open to the criticism that their examples are drawn from genres which are untypical of the speech encountered by young children. Accordingly, I examine the evidence of a four-million-word sample of spontaneous everyday conversation; this, too, refutes the claims about usage made by poverty-of-stimulus theorists. Widespread current acceptance of the poverty-of-stimulus idea has apparently come about not because linguists have found the contrary view empirically unsatisfactory, but merely because poverty of the stimulus is for one reason or another treated as an unquestioned axiom. A related issue is lack of negative evidence. It is true that children acquiring their mother tongue encounter only positive examples. But in this respect the logic of language-acquisition is no different from that of scientific discovery. ‘Poverty of the stimulus’ seems plausible to linguists who believe that human beings inherit detailed knowledge about language structure. But that belief is itself grossly implausible. The languages of the world are too diverse to be the product of an innate language faculty. If language structure is not in any substantial respect innate, then children's experience of their elders' language must be adequate for language-learning; the evidence suggests that that is so.

[1]  G. Sampson Depth in English grammar , 1997, Journal of Linguistics.

[2]  Victor H. Yngve,et al.  A model and an hypothesis for language structure , 1960 .

[3]  Michelle A. Hollander,et al.  The learnability and acquisition of the dative alternation , 1989 .

[4]  Laura Collins THE L2 ACQUISITION OF TENSE-ASPECT MORPHOLOGY , 2004, Studies in Second Language Acquisition.

[5]  M Nakayama,et al.  Performance factors in subject-auxiliary inversion by children , 1987, Journal of Child Language.

[6]  Massimo Piattelli-Palmarini,et al.  Language and Learning: The Debate Between Jean Piaget and Noam Chomsky , 1980 .

[7]  S. Pinker Words and Rules: The Ingredients of Language , 1999 .

[8]  B. Hart,et al.  Meaningful Differences in the Everyday Experience of Young American Children , 1995 .

[9]  G. Marcus Negative evidence in language acquisition , 1993, Cognition.

[10]  Jr. Robert A. Hall Review of Sampson, Liberty and language , and of Matthews, Generative grammar and linguisticcompetence , 1987 .

[11]  D. Bickerton The roots of language , 2016 .

[12]  Peter Trudgill,et al.  The dialects of England , 1990 .

[13]  S. Pinker The Language Instinct , 1994 .

[14]  Yasuhiro Shirai,et al.  The Acquisition of Tense-Aspect Morphology: A Prototype Account. , 1995 .

[15]  G. Sampson The form of language , 1975 .

[16]  Robert Dixon,et al.  The languages of Australia , 1980 .

[17]  John P. Kimball,et al.  The Formal Theory of Grammar , 1973 .

[18]  Eric P. Hamp,et al.  Readings in linguistics , 1957 .

[19]  Geoffrey Sampson,et al.  English for the Computer: The SUSANNE Corpus and Analytic Scheme , 1995, Computational Linguistics.

[20]  N. Smith Chomsky: Ideas and Ideals , 1999 .

[21]  F. Antinucci,et al.  How children talk about what happened , 1976, Journal of Child Language.

[22]  Jan Svartvik,et al.  A __ comprehensive grammar of the English language , 1988 .

[23]  S. Crain,et al.  Structure dependence in grammar formation , 1987 .

[24]  M. Bowerman The 'no negative evidence' problem: How do children avoid constructing an overly general grammar? , 1988 .