Possible and impossible segments

In this article we consider the relationship between phonetic possibility and phonological permissibility of segment types. We ask (i) are any phonetically impossible segments phonologically permissible? and (ii) are any phonetically possible segments phonologically impermissible? Our main focus is on answering (ii). We analyze the implications of the only relevant case we can find, which is in Cohn's (1990, 1993a) examination of nasality spreading in Sundanese, and relates to the description of glottal nasals (produced with glottal place of articulation and lowered velum). Cohn tentatively proposes that nasalized [h] and [?] occur phonetically but not phonologically. We show that a persuasive theory of nasality spreading suggests otherwise, and it is supported by evidence from several languages. Our conclusion is that no sound argument exists for excluding any pronounceable segment from phonology on theoretical grounds. The relation between the phonetically possible and the phonologically possible accordingly becomes somewhat more straightforward.* What is the relationship between pronounceability of segments on the phonetic level and licitness (or illicitness) of segments in terms of phonological theory? The question can be separated into two more specific questions about the relations between phonology and phonetics. Let us call a segment type PHONOLOGICALLY PERMISSIBLE if and only if no principle of phonological theory is infringed by the appearance of a segment of such type in an underlying representation or in the input/output of a phonological rule or level, and let us call a segment type PHONETICALLY POSSIBLE if and only if segments of such type can actually be pronounced. The cross-cutting of the two distinctions here (phonetic versus phonological and possible versus impermissible) defines four logical possibilities, but we will dismiss two of them immediately. We will assume that under every theory of phonology at least some phonetically possible segment types are phonologically permissible. We will also assume that every phonological theory bans some segment types that are phonetically impossible (both phonology and phonetics agree in the complete absence of apico-uvular stops, velar trills, and so on). This leaves two issues:

[1]  Rosario Lorenza Trigo-Ferre The phonological derivation and behavior of Nasal Glides , 1988 .

[2]  Eugene E. Loos,et al.  The phonology of Capanahua and its grammatical basis , 1969 .

[3]  David Odden,et al.  ADJACENCY PARAMETERS IN PHONOLOGY , 1994 .

[4]  A. Cohn Phonetic and phonological rules of nasalization , 1990 .

[5]  I. D. Condax,et al.  A new technique for demonstrating velic opening: application to Sundanese , 1974 .

[6]  John J. Ohala,et al.  Physical Models in Phonology , 1972 .

[7]  Noam Chomsky,et al.  The Sound Pattern of English , 1968 .

[8]  J. Padgett,et al.  Stricture in Feature Geometry , 1995 .

[9]  John T. Bendor-Samuel,et al.  Some Problems of Segmentation in the Phonological Analysis of Tereno , 1960 .

[10]  G. L. Piggott,et al.  Variability in feature dependency: The case of nasality , 1992 .

[11]  Does the ‘voiced epiglottal plosive’ exist? , 1991 .

[12]  Benjamin Ao Kikongo nasal harmony and context-sensitive underspecification , 1991 .

[13]  C. F. Voegelin,et al.  A Problem in Phonological Alternation , 1939 .

[14]  Lawrence Clifford Schourup,et al.  Characteristics of vowel nasalization , 1972 .

[15]  Robert Blust,et al.  Nasals and nasalization in Borneo , 1997 .

[16]  Irwin Howard,et al.  A directional theory of rule application in phonology , 1972 .

[17]  P. Ladefoged A course in phonetics , 1975 .

[18]  M. Durie A grammar of Acehnese on the basis of a dialect of north Aceh , 1985 .

[19]  Richard McGinn Outline of Rejang syntax , 1982 .

[20]  Kingsley G. Noble Proto-Arawakan and its descendants , 1965 .

[21]  Doug Pulleyblank,et al.  Patterns of Feature Cooccurrence: The Case of Nasality , 1989 .