Resumptive Prolepsis: A study in indirect A'-dependencies

This dissertation investigates A’-dependencies where the dislocated constituent is not transformationally related to the position where it is interpreted. The analysis is carried out within the Principles & Parameters framework. The first two chapters address relative clauses. Based on a detailed examination of reconstruction, it is argued that German restrictive relatives should be given a Matching Analysis. Chapter three analyzes an alternative to long-distance relativization in German and Dutch where the relative pronoun is governed by the preposition von/van ‘of’ and a resumptive appears instead of a gap in the complement clause. The construction has the hallmarks of an indirect A’-dependency: The external head is interpreted inside the complement clause but cannot be transformationally related to that position. The paradox is resolved by postulating short A’-movement in the matrix clause, operator movement in the complement clause and an ellipsis operation that links the chains. Chapter four analyzes relative clauses in Zurich German. While local relativization is shown to be largely parallel to Standard German, long-distance relativization is reanalyzed in terms of Resumptive Prolepsis. This study is of interest to anyone interested in the syntax of relative clauses, reconstruction, resumption or in the syntax of Standard German, Zurich German and Dutch.