complementizers äs proper governors). The local embedded subject trace is head-governed by the verb, a lexical category, from the C position. In fact, when we look at cases of extraction of complements of functional categories, we find more bad cases of extraction than good cases, if we find them at all. Consider an example involving VP-fronting in English, given in (48): (48) John urged Mary to go to College, and [go to College^, she *(did) t{ The absence of the auxiliary do would induce ungrammaticality. We can attribute this to Infl not being a proper governor. Thal is, the reason why we need do-support in this particular context is precisely because we need a lexical category to license the VP-trace. Moreover, if we take the DP-analysis of noun phrases (cf. Barwise & Cooper 1981; Szabolcsi 1983; Abney 1987), then we would see another instance where a functional head cannot properly head-govern the trace of its complement. NP-complements of determiners like the cannot be fronted, äs illustrated in (49b): (49) a. [DP The books written by Johnjj, I like t{ b. *[NP Books written by John];, I like [DP the t{] If Ds are not proper governors, then the ungrammaticality of (49b) immediately follows. 11 Liliane Haegeman (personal communication) points out an apparent case of stranded determiners in some varieties of German: (i) Bücher habe ich keine, books have I none 'As for books, I have none.' U keine 'no' is a determiner and buchet 'books' in (i) is fronted from the complement position, then it would be a counterexample to the claim that determiners are not proper governors. However, äs Van Riemsdijk (1989) points out, the possibility of having both a fronted DP with an overt determiner and keine 'no' in argument position, äs in (ii), shows that a movement analysis for this kind of construction is not äs straightforward äs it might appear at first glance: (ii) Einen Wagen hat er sich noch keinen leisten können, a car has he refl yet none afford can 'As for cars, he has not been able to afford one yet.' Notice äs well that the complement of a determiner like kein need not be overt, and can be discourse-bound. The sentence in (iii) can be an answer to the question Hat er dir einen Wagen gekauft? 'Has he bought a car for you?':
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