Templates, markers and syntactic structure in Tashlhiyt Berber

Abstract One of the puzzling aspects of the Berber languages is the nature of the construct state and the cooccurrence restrictions it undergoes with certain grammatical morphemes. In particular, the reason why the construct state marker w- never occurs with the gender marker t- remains unclear, despite of several studies mostly syntactic. This paper argues that the construct state marker w- and the feminine marker t- compete for the same templatic position. Within the standard DP projection, it is proposed that a templatic CV site hosts gender t- under the nP. When raised to D, this site has no C position available for the construct state w-, yielding forms where only the feminine marker is realized. The same reasoning holds in the causative imperfective formations. The association of the causative prefix with the templatic site under the vP explains the absence of aspect markers in the verb. Extended to the case of Classical Arabic verb conjugation, the competition hypothesis allows us to explain why reflexive n- never cooccurs with medial consonant gemination; though semantically viable, nkassara ⿿it shuttered⿿ is ruled out because reflexive n-, generated lower in the structure than intensive gemination, fills the only C position provided by the derivational CV. The advocated analysis has implications for the way syntax, morphology and phonology interact: templates are indeed argued to mediate the interaction between components of Grammar. Handled in syntactic structure, templates allow unifying standard phonological, morphological and syntactic accounts of the cooccurrence restrictions examined in this paper.