Video game designs by girls and boys: variability and consistency of gender differences

Over the past ten years interactive technologies have become a significant part of children’s culture. Video games such as Super Mario BrothersTM or SonicTM have found a stable place in children’s playrooms, in particular games catering to boy’s interests in sports, adventure and combat (Provenzo, 1991). Only recently has so called “pink software” established a playground for girls promoting games and software such as Barbie’s Fashion DesignerTM or the Babysitter ClubTM that draw on characters and activities popular among girls. In many ways, the production of interactive toys and games seems to replicate gender differences found in traditional toys and games and the interests these generate in children (Garvey, 1990; Kinder, 1991; Singer & Singer, 1991; Sutton-Smith, 1986). There is ample evidence in the research literature for the existence of gender differences in children’s video game interest, use and performance (Goldstein, 1994; Provenzo, 1991). These gender differences also appear when children are asked to make their own video games (Kafai, 1996). But there are some indicators that these differences are not as universal as they may appear at first: some software such as Where in the World is Carmen Sandiego?TM seem to have equal appeal for boys and girls and some girls like to play video games albeit with different interpretations (Gailey, 1993). Furthermore, gender differences in play performance disappear after extended exposure (Greenfield & Cocking, 1994), a claim which is also supported by research on girls’ general use of and interest in technology (Linn, 1985). While these are isolated indicators, they point out that gender differences are not as consistent as one might believe. It is possible that children display more versatility and range in their play interests and